Reparations
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Reparations
By Bridget Brereton
Today we commemorate
the end of enslavement in the formerly British Caribbean, including T&T. So
this is a good time to notice an important book recently published by my
distinguished UWI colleague Sir Hilary Beckles, entitled Britain’s Black Debt:
Reparations for Caribbean Slavery and Native Genocide.
This book sets out the case for reparations from Britain for the destruction of
the indigenous people of the islands under British control, for the
transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans, and for slavery itself as practised
in the British colonies. (Of course, several other European powers were also
involved, as well as slaveholders in the US and Latin America—not to mention
the vast Arab-controlled trade in enslaved Africans—but Beckles deals with the
case specifically against Britain.)
The objective of the book is political: to push the global reparations movement
by putting the English-speaking Caribbean in the vanguard of that movement. As
Beckles insists in his Introduction (entitled “My Journey with Slavery and
Reparations”), “the causal link between the crimes of slavery and the ongoing
harm and injury to descendants is everywhere to be found in the Caribbean. The
pain of enslavement and the injury of its injustice haunt (its)
citizens…Slavery and genocide in the Caribbean are lived experiences despite
over a century of emancipation. Everywhere their legacies shape the lives of
the majority and harm their capacity for advancement”.
Chapter 1 lays out the principles of reparations in present-day international
law and diplomacy. In this context, he emphasises two key points, which are
further developed in the rest of the book. First, that black slavery in the
Caribbean was historically unique: the victims were legally defined as chattel,
property, exactly like non-human livestock; their enslavement was lifelong; and
their children inherited the status (you were a slave if your mother was).
Second, Beckles argues that the trade in black bodies, and slavery itself, were
recognised to be criminal at the time by contemporary English law and morality.
The colonial laws which established chattel slavery were not seen as valid “at
home”, in Britain, amounting to an implicit recognition that it was illegal;
the African slave trade was described as “a criminal commerce” from the
beginning of English involvement in it. This is a key point to counter the argument
that both the trade and slavery were legal at the time, and therefore were not
“crimes against humanity” when they were practised.
Beckles is an eminent historian, and chapters 2 to11 set out the historical
data which inform the reparations case. The “genocide” of the indigenous
Kalinago (“Island Caribs”) of the British Windward Islands is detailed in
chapter 2. The few surviving descendants, now mainly living in Dominica and St
Vincent—Beckles does not mention the Garifuna of Belize, descended from exiled
“Black Caribs” originally from St Vincent—have a clear claim for reparations
from Britain, he believes.
Chapters 3 to 11 deal with the heart of the book, the British trade in enslaved
Africans and the slavery system itself. Though the information here is not
exactly new, Beckles marshals the facts in a compelling way, showing how every
branch of the English, then British state was involved in both: the monarch,
parliament, the judges, the Church of England, the Bank of England. Outside the
state, aristocrats, gentry, business firms, London financiers, banks and great
cities profited by “criminal enrichment” from the profits of trading in, and
exploiting, enslaved black people.
Following the lead of Eric Williams in his seminal work Capitalism and Slavery,
and several later scholars, Beckles shows how important the slave trade and the
profits of Caribbean slavery were to Britain’s economic development, especially
between 1660 and 1800. It’s not that the African trade and Caribbean slavery
“caused” the Industrial Revolution, but they did play an important role in its
timing (early, the first in the world) and its pattern and course.
The last of the “historical” chapters, 11, deals with the “reparations for
slave owners”—the 20 million pounds, an immense sum in 1830s values, granted by
parliament to compensate the former owners for the loss of their property.
Drawing on recent scholarly research by British historians, especially Nicholas
Draper of London University, Beckles shows both how much this sum really
represented at the time, and how many institutions and people—from the British
state to lords and ladies, the church, members of parliament, city firms,
banks—pocketed the money. It was like a huge stimulus package for the British
economy. The former chattel got nothing at all, and only a few abolitionists
even suggested that they deserved some compensation.
Chapters 12 to 15 describe the present-day reparations movement as it has
developed since about 2000, especially the involvement of the English-speaking
Caribbean countries and the predictably negative response of the British
government. Beckles himself has been the leading non-governmental voice from
the Caribbean ever since the Durban UN conference in 2001, so this is very much
an “insider” account, taking the narrative up to 2012.
Not everyone will agree with Beckles’ arguments or conclusions, but the case he
presents for Britain to pay her “black debt” is compelling historically,
morally and legally.
• Bridget Brereton is emerita
professor of history at UWI, St Augustine
(Trinidad Express, August 1st. 2013)
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